Human Trafficking in the US

Sex Trafficking in the United States Imagine yourself leaving for a trip that you have been looking forward to. You get packed, board the plane, and then finally you arrive at your destination. After settling in you go explore the area. At this point, you are kidnapped. You cannot do anything to protect yourself or to escape. You end up being forced to strip your clothes and have your body sold. You are now an object, no longer a person. Welcome to the victims' world of sex trafficking.Because sex trafficking is an underground business, it may be difficult to completely stop this exploitation. Knowing the signs, watching for human sex trafficking, and acting quickly can save countless lives. Sex Trafficking is any practice that involves moving people within and across local or national boundaries for the purpose of sexual exploitation (Farr 2). It is the fastest growing crime in the United States and the second largest illegal trade after the drug industry. Human Trafficking has been going on for over one hundred years.Human Sex Trafficking happens all over the world, including the United States. There are approximately twenty-seven million victims of sex trafficking worldwide; three undred thousand of them are women and children bought and sold yearly here in the U. S. Of the three hundred thousand sex slaves sold in the US, 25% are forced into the business by parents or family members and 75% are former runaways. Each year, 1. 7 million children run away from home. From that number, 90% will be approached by traffickers within 48 hours. Many of which do not make it out the industry alive.In the state of Texas alone, there are only 99 known survivors in the last 20 years whoVe managed to escape sexual slavery (Preda. org). Victims of sexual slavery are not all kidnapped, majority are tricked into the business. Most of the women trafficked into brothels posing as massage businesses are not U. S. citizens, and many do not have documented status. Therefore, traff ickers use the threat of deportation to maintain control of immigrant women. Without legal status, the women frequently fear and distrust police or government authorities.Immigrant women are vulnerable due to language barriers, unfamiliarity with their legal rights in the US, and/or the lack of a local support network. Others can be women with financial need or in debt leave the women vulnerable to recruiters, who appear to be offering legal Jobs. Sex trafficking thrives because it is low in risk and high in pay off. The United States FBI estimates about three thousand Russian mobsters control gangs in American cities that involve forced prostitution (Stoecker, Shelly 14). These groups generate 7 billion dollars yearly in the United States.Since there are currently no consistent or accurate ways of tracking these crimes, statistics may vary. Because this is a large and very detailed business, many people are involved throughout the process. Everyone involved has a role to play to en sure the process is done quickly and smoothly. The recruiter finds and brings the victims into the industry usually by force or deception. The recruiter then sells the women to brokers or directly to employers. Brokers are the â€Å"middleman†; they buy the women from recruiters and sell them to employers, those who own brothels or bars.If the women are being transported from overseas, a contractor organizes the transaction. Next an Employment or Travel agent is needed. Their main purpose is to arrange a â€Å"legitimate† Job and Job description or a† legitimate† trip. A document theft or forger obtains all the legal documentation needed to travel from country to country. The transporter travels with the women to each destination and delivers them to the recruiter. Who then sells them to the employers. The employers provide the women with a place to live and work; telling them of the working conditions, living arrangements, and lifestyle.A large number of e mployers are bar or club owners, while a very small percentage of them are street pimps. For large establishments an enforcer serves as security for the place of business (Farr 63). The life of a sex slave can be compared to an animal caged in a zoo. You are brought out only to do your trick, and then locked in a cage again. Victims, usually ages 11-17, are chained to a bed or confined in small living quarter's majority of the day until they are fed, usually something light to keep their weight down. Then they are given ice-cold showers to reduce the swelling on their bodies.Attendants then cover-up their bruises from the night before, put make-up on the girls, and then present them to another group of men for more abuse and profit. The women usually serve 5 to 30 men a night. Many of these victims turn to drugs as a solace for the life they have been brought into. Drugs and beatings numb their capacity for thoughts of escape and further iscourage the energy or alertness required to act on their desire for freedom. Many never make it out of the industry alive (preda. org). Stopping Sex Trafficking is harder than it may seem.There are signs of human sex trafficking that everyone should be aware of. Visible indicators may include: Heavvy security at the commercial establishment including barred windows, locked doors, isolated location, and electronic surveillance. Women are never seen leaving the premises unless escorted. Victims live at the same premises as ‘the brothel or work site, or are driven between uarters and â€Å"work† by a guard. Victims are kept under surveillance when taken to a doctor, hospital or clinic for treatment; trafficker may act as a translator.High foot traffic especially for brothels where there may be trafficked women indicated often by a stream of men arriving and leaving the premises. Physical signs of a person being trafficked include: malnutrition, dehydration or poor personal hygiene; sexually transmitted diseases; si gns of rape or sexual abuse; bruising, broken bones, or other signs of untreated medical problems; critical illnesses including diabetes, cancer or eart disease; post-traumatic stress or psychological disorders (humantraffcking. org).

Management Accounting Assignment

602 Management Accounting David Xu Id: 65990771 Session Preparation Assignment (SPA) #2 Understanding Key Cost Relationships 1. Read Chapter 2 of SN, Key meanings in the Chapter. Understanding key cost in a firm is the most important issue in management accounting. That is because business survives on value exchange. Customers and business are willing to exchange money and services (products) based on the costs. How products cost can effect a firm’s financial health is very important for managers. Cost objects are the different aspects of a firm’s operation, or products, it is essential concept in management accounting.If not properly handled, cost objects can hinder, not help, the manager to understand to company’s reality. The example here is very easy to explain the situation. Also cost objects are vital to planning, motivation, and controlling. In some cases, manager makes decision to close or open new store in a region based on the cost objects. We can also see products as cost object, normally happen in manufacture business. Because accrual accounting makes a number of judgement and assumptions and all that are subjective, so it is common that managers sometimes understate or overstate a company’s profits in a period.Direct cost and indirect cost VS Raw Material and Maintenance cost The main business in NZ and Australia are service business, mostly dealing with people. Cadbury is a good example for manufacture business. Product cost and period cost. The later is a new concept and is not difficult to understand. Apportion indirect cost. Deciding indirect cost in a company is often not straightforward and sometimes involving a number of judgements and assumptions. We can attach overhead cost to products to better understanding the reality. Function based costing system Predetermined Overhead Absorption ratesActivity based costing systems Variable costs are normally direct costs, it is used in the cost of work-in-progress and fini shed good inventories of products. Fixed and variable costs VS Rates and Raw Materials Variable cost and company’s activity level Cost-Volume-Profit Analysis Use of function can help to understand the analysis Very good example to explain the case Contribution margin = Sales – Variable Costs Managers have to make some assumption to in terms of how cost and profits may change at different level of activity 2. Think back to your answers to Section 3 in SPA#1. hat might be the key costs of Ryman Healthcare Ltd? What might be the key issues facing Ryman in terms of managing its costs? Why do you think this? What might be the key cost relationship that you would need to deeply understand in order to be able to manage the business of Ryman Healthcare? The key costs according to the principles of cost objects, they can be: 1) Costs to maintain the retirement villages, including nursing cost, medical cost, etc. 2) Costs to construct retirement villages, including building mate rials, mortgages and interests, etc. ) Costs to market in selling the retirement village units, including advertise, commercials, etc. 4) Logistics costs, includes warehouse, etc. 5) Overheads, including power, rates, security, etc. If I am the CEO of Ryman Healthcare, I think the key issues in managing the costs will be: 1) Hidden costs between different departments in the company. These costs are usually indirect costs in Ryman Healthcare Ltd, like costs to fix leaky buildings in the village units, ever increasing financial costs in the recession economy. ) How to properly apportion indirect costs to Ryman’s main service, occupation rights of individual retirement village units. We have to make some judgement and assumptions in the process. For example, when fix a leaky buildings, the costs can be categorized in building maintenance costs; when financial costs increases because of the financial crisis (more difficult to borrow money), it can be categorized to construction c osts. 3) To analysis the fixed and variable costs in the company. Fixed costs are staff wages, electricity, rates, etc. variable osts are village unit construction cost, outsourcing nursing cost when extra help needed, etc. The key task here is to increase profits and also put the variable costs under control, which is big challenge to CEO in Ryman Healthcare. 4) Use different methods in dealing different department of the company. We can use functional-based costing system method in construction department, and use activity-based costing system in nursing department in apportioning of the indirect costs. Key cost relationship in Ryman Healthcare: The cost relationship can be best expressed in Cost-Volume-Profit Analysis (CVP).Function y is variable cost and x is number of village unit, then y = f(x). We assume that variable cost is straight-line function, which means when village units increases, the variable costs (costs to run the villages) increase in the same trend. In reality, when running a retirement village, it has a minimum cost regardless how many units are occupied. We call this minimum cost is M. We also use C as cost to run each unit, the total variable costs can be represented as: Y = M + C x X Y: variable cost M: minimum cost to run a village, it is fixed cost C: cost to run one village unitX: number of village units From the financial statements of Ryman, it has $40 million profits last year, way above break-even point, so we will focus on minimising the total cost. In the above function, if we increase the number of units X, and keep fixed cost at a certain level, then the average fixed cost per unit will reduce. Here we also assume that cost to run per unit is hard to reduce and unchanged at a certain level of village units, and used as constant here. In this CVP analysis, CEO of Ryman Healthcare can deeply understand the cost relationship between fixed cost and variable costs.

The Relationship between Management and the Art of Rhetoric Research Paper

The Relationship between Management and the Art of Rhetoric - Research Paper Example The definition of rhetoric, as proposed by Aristotle, encompasses not only theoretical knowledge but also takes into account the practical and productive aspects of knowledge. The meaning of rhetoric has been taken to be the â€Å"art of expressive speech† for a very long time. Therefore, rhetoric can be an instrumental tool for people who engage in delivery of speeches and require effective speechmaking skills in their daily conduct. Speechmaking is an important tool in the kit of managers of an organization. Every day, managers have to engage in activities that require them to communicate with their employees. This may include designating tasks to employees and briefing them about their jobs, motivating employees to work harder, appreciating the accomplishments of the associates and subordinates as well as the organization as a whole, giving constructive criticism to the employees regarding their jobs and communicating with the stakeholders of the organization such as the public. It is essential for managers to learn the art of speechmaking so that they can communicate effectively. The job of a manager is such that he or she has to use persuasion often in communication. Persuasion can prove to be a very beneficial tool for the success of the individual manager, and hence the organization. Persuading a hardworking and resourceful employee to stay in the organization if he or she is planning to join any other comp any can retain the labor skills of the employee in the organization. Using persuasive speech in press releases to convince the public that the organization is actively engaged in environmental protection and sustainable development can go a long way in promoting the reputation of the organization.  

Should the Government regulate Computer Games nationally Research Paper

Should the Government regulate Computer Games nationally - Research Paper Example Those in opposition argue that video games are a new form of artistic expressions and are considered to be protected under amendments. Both sides have based their arguments from scientific works of Craig Anderson, which prove that violent video games increase aggressive behavior and violence (Craig & Karen 20). No causal link established between violent video game exposure and aggressive thinking or behavior. It is unconstitutional to regulate video game content, as there are new form of artistic expressions, which are considered to be protected under amendments with bodies existing to do the rating, like the ESRB. If video games were increasing violent behaviors and aggressiveness, why has juvenile statistics decreased steadily since the year 1994? Why does 40% of girls and 90% of boys under the age of 18 play video games and thence no single child has committed crime. This is according to the survey carried out on January 2014. Since 1980s, courts have laid down laws that prohibit children from buying violent video games. US Supreme Court decided to consider a California law sponsored by Arnold Schwarzenegger banning the sale of violent video games to minors on 27th, June 2011. The law imposes $ 1,000 fines on any stores skirting it. However, the question is that, is it necessary for the government to regulate what children should play? While regulations by the government are welcomed in some corners of our lives, it is not always welcomed everywhere. Gun violence has been rampant and U.S President Barack Obama is set out to find the causes of such violence. This is according to his Chicago speech on February 10,th of February, 2013 California law banned the sale of the most violent video games involving killing, maiming and sexually assaulting image of human being. Games violating this standard would have to bear an 18+† label. However, the Court ruled that the current rating system was sufficient, and parents are free to deny their

What is the current social, economic and political status of women in Research Paper

What is the current social, economic and political status of women in Saudi Arabia What are the obstacles to true reform of womens rights in Saudi Arabia - Research Paper Example This essay discusses the social, economic, and political status of women in Saudi Arabia today. Women in Saudi Arabia are seriously underrepresented in important positions in both the private and public sectors. Possibly most evident, women experience discrimination in personal-status laws, which focus on features of family life such as marriage, inheritance, and child custody. Most Saudi laws proclaim that the husband is the head of the family, authorize the husband to control the decision of his wife about getting a paid job, and in certain instances openly instruct the wife to submit to her husband.ii However, major attempts have been initiated to advance women’s status over the recent years. Women have become more involved in business, education, and public life all over Saudi Arabia. The specific issues that have been of utmost concern to women in Saudi Arabia today relate to employment opportunities, access to health care and education, political rights, and legal protection. These issues have been the focus of almost all women and women’s movement in the region.iii For decades Saudi women have fought for equal opportunities. Today, they fight for their right to leave their houses without the supervision of a male kin and their right to work. The authority of the male relative guarantees the lack of freedom of Saudi women. A reform in women’s legal status is certainly the major change concerning women’s status in Saudi Arabia. The status of women is continuously advancing and in numerous universities the population of female students continuously grows. There are still a small number of women involved in paid employment, but those who are part of the labor force occupy very important positions and are willing and prepared to stand up for their careers, a characteristic highly valued by private organizations.iv Women are becoming more visible in new industries wherein they are now permitted to work; yet, poverty, homelessness, and

Relection of critical incident analaysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Relection of critical incident analaysis - Essay Example This allows the reflective nurse to look at the exercise and understand what they need to alter in the future, and how they would mature their practice. Thus, Gibbs model gives a practitioner to mentor his/her routine job at each and every level and with an ease as described by the Oxford University Brookes, 2011. To reflect upon this particular incident, it’s helped me to rationalize my approach in the future matters. In the capacity of being a human, everybody commits mistakes. Learning from mistakes is the better way to improve oneself. Reflection upon past experiences provides one with an opportunity to see where one went wrong so that the unfavorable consequences would not have to be faced ever again (Lewis, 2011). The practice increased my work experience along with the knowledge which helped me gain allot in the future. Likewise, it helped me enhance my nursing competencies at a whole new level. The goal of conducting this reflection for me is to improve my therapeutic relationship with patients being a nurse. Therapeutic relationship with patients is controlled by a nurse’s interpersonal skills. Both verbal and body language play a role in it. I hereby choose to reflect upon my experience with Mr. X who suffers from brain tumor. In those days, I was placed in the surgical ward for two weeks in the third semester. One day, all patients moved towards the cafeteria for lunch except for Mr. X. who was lost in some thoughts. I approached him, and asked his permission to help him. He could not understand my language because he had a different language. At that moment, I felt the uneasiness about my situation, I wasn’t in a good mood either, but as it was my duty I had to be patient and at the best of my behavior. Here, the fourth stage of Gibbs reflective model helped me solve the issue and I used eating gestures to deliver my message. As affirmed by Hill and Howlett (2005), an individual should work out the most rational option

An Analysis of Advertising Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

An Analysis of Advertising - Assignment Example What is more, in accordance with Steinbeck, material well-being and financial security are among the most things for Americans, on which they depend a lot even though they regard themselves as independent, self-sufficient and self-reliant. Furthermore, among the characteristic features of Americans is the inconsistency of their behavior and their tendency to â€Å"function by paradox†, which means that they themselves cancel their rules and habits by introducing new ones (Steinbeck). Finally, Americans live in accordance with the American Way of Life despite the fact that nobody can give a clear definition of what constitutes it and what it means. In this very paper, the way the commercials reflect the traits of Americans will be analyzed. More specifically, the correctness and usefulness of illustration in understanding the characteristics of Americans will be touched upon. For this purpose, five particular traits have been chosen from the article by John Steinbeck. Among them are the following ones: Americans’ tendency to act excessively (â€Å"for the most part we are an intemperate people†), being dependent on money (â€Å"we are complacent in our possessions, in our houses, in our education; but it is hard to find a man or woman who does not want something better for the next generation†), being good to unknown people (â€Å"Americans are remarkably kind and hospitable and open with both guests and strangers†), having a belief in self-sufficiency (â€Å"we believe [†¦] that we have inherited self-sufficiency and the ability to take care ourselves†), and being charitable in case the re is spare money (â€Å"if we have enough gold – we contribute it back to the nation in the form of foundations and charities† (Steinbeck). For this purpose, five commercials have been chosen: Audi commercial, a commercial that presents new contract option from T-Mobile,

Making decisions Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Making decisions - Essay Example aineà ­s† (Iris Kempe) Most of the decisions political decisions taken in Ukraine seems to be like the decisions of an emperor rather than a democratic country. â€Å"In November 2004, fraudulent presidential elections in Ukraine touched off seventeen days of mass protests whose goal was to overturn the official result† (Regina Smyth) Though the elections were held in an appropriate manner, the agitations started to began against the legally elected prime minister which is extra ordinary when we compare the elections of a democratic country. Since the Ukrainian people were unaware of the principles of democracy, because of the extended communist rule before, the public began to start agitations against even an elected government. lections on March 26, 2006. International observers noted that conduct of the Rada election was in line with international standards for democratic elections, making this the most free and fair in Ukraines history On April 3, 2007, On April 3, 2007; President Yushchenko dissolved the Supreme Rada and called for preterm elections. Months of political stalemate followed, with the Anti-Crisis Coalition continuing to hold Rada sessions, even after opposition parties Our Ukraine and BYuT resigned their seats and deprived the parliament of a constitutional quorum. On May 27, Yushchenko, Yanukovych, and Rada Speaker Moroz reached a political agreement on new elections, which were held September 30, 2007. (Ukraine) Even though the elections were conducted in an appropriate manner, President has got other ideas which are still unknown to the public. In a democratic setup mostly only after the prime minister loses the confidence of the parliament, the president will dissolve the parliament if no other options are available. But in Ukraine’s case the political observers looking suspiciously over the motives of president in dissolving the parliament. Reports showed that the president and the parliament (Rada) speaker have taken the decisions of

Steganography Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Steganography - Research Paper Example The modern era of steganography is witnessed with the development of digital techniques in the late 20th century. Finally, the digital era of steganography is demonstrated to have greatly expanded the reach and complexity of these practices through visual, audio, and programming techniques. Table of Contents Introduction†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦....4 Background†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...†¦.4 Modern Incarnations†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦9 Concerns with Ter rorist†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦....10 Miscellaneous Uses†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦12 Conclusion†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦13 References†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.14 Introduction Steganography is the art and science of constructing hidden me ssages in a way that nobody but the sender and receiver can sense its existence. While steganography was implemented to crucial importance in the 20th century, particularly in World War II, the process itself has been in practice since antiquity. Still, it wasn’t until the Renaissance period when steganography became a recognized term. In 1499 Johannes Trithemius wrote ‘Stegnographia: the art through which writing is hidden requiring recovery by the minds of men,’ a treatise on cryptography and steganography that was disguised as a book on magic (Sing, p. 10). Stenography takes on a variety of forms. Most prominently perhaps are forms of steganography that transfer one form of text to a cover-text. Still, steganography also includes messages that are transferred to images, articles, or even invisible ink. Steganography has often been confused with cryptography. The difference between these two forms, however, is that steganography is the concealment of a message, whereas cryptography is the writing of a message into code (Murphy, p. iv). The obvious advantage of steganography over cryptography is that the latter, because of its eccentric style, draws attention to its existence; conversely steganography is a more subtle form of communication. Steganography is an expansive discipline that throughout history has made a considerable impact on the world. This research essay examines the history of steganography, its various uses and dimensions, and a variety of ways that it has been enhanced over the years. Background As noted the earliest use of the term steganography was implemented by Johannes Trithemius. Trithemius was a German Abbot who lived between 1462 and 1516. His text ‘Stegnographia: the art through which writing is hidden requiring recovery by the minds of men’ was a three part tome. The first two parts are today recognized as some of the earliest books written on cryptography. The third part is ostensibly a book written on occult astrology. This third book contains a number of obscure tables containing numbers. In the late 20th century two researchers at the University of Pittsburgh – Thomas Ernst and Jim Reeds – became convinced that these tables of numbers were actually secret code. They began researching the text and uncovered a number of hidden phrases.

Cost and fear of bird flu Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Cost and fear of bird flu - Research Paper Example This essay explores these issues in depth with a focus on avian influenza haze. Globally the avian influenza is considered an epidemic as it occurs over large areas affecting several communities over a particular period. For example, the influenza H6N1 spread in large areas of China and was quickly curbed in areas like Japan (Francesca, 2013). People panic when bird flu is an epidemic as they do not know where it will spread next or if it will be transmitted to their regions. Similarly, avian influenza leads to economic losses because on money used to treat and contain it, reduction in poultry sales, and losses in productivity. For instance, â€Å"Romania experienced a 80% drop in poultry sales in May 2006; in Italy, sales fell by 70% after wild swans were infected† (Food Quality & Safety Magazine, 2008, p.1). It also leads to social alienation of the country or countries involved as they are considered dangerous areas since the flu is fatal and spread quickly through human contact. Alerts of the bird flu are usually magnified when the mortality rates are high. Also when the vaccines or cure against the disease are difficult to manufacture or make, or when the virus strain is hard to identify and eliminate, the alerts made are so that people can safeguard themselves from the spread of the disease. Limited alerts are made when health organizations can come up with solutions and the virus strain of the disease does not lead to high mortality rates or is manageable (World Bank, 2013). It would be advisable if the alerts were made with the correct information on how people could protect themselves from the disease as opposed to sending out alarming alerts of the number of deaths, that is, statistics without educating the public. The extent to which the bird flu should be funded and where the experts and medical personnel should go will largely be determined by the severity of the

Ban On Assault Weapons & High Capacity Magazines Essay Example for Free

Ban On Assault Weapons High Capacity Magazines Essay What is a high capacity magazine exactly? It is any magazine for a semi-automatic weapon that can hold more than 10 bullets. Pennsylvania voters want stricter laws on guns, including background checks on all purchases and bans on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines. Democrats controlled both the House and Senate, and the nations crime rate was a major concern. The assault weapons ban was part of an extensive crime bill that included money to hire additional police, build new prisons and fund crime prevention programs. By 3 to 2 margins, people favor a nationwide ban on assault weapons (60 percent to 37 percent) and a ban on the sale of ammunition magazines that hold more than 10 bullets (59 to 39 percent). But when the first assault weapons ban was approved outlawing 19 specific weapons it was a very different time. Personally, I’m for guns. I do NOT think they should ban assault weapons and high capacity magazines. That’s not fair to the true gun lovers out there. Plus all of the hunters that may need a high capacity magazine or an assault rifle. I personally think that this law won’t pass everywhere, especially in Alaska. People need to learn how to use a gun before they lay their hands on one. That’s the only issue. I also think you need to register your gun in your name as soon as you get it. I personally think if someone has a bad record or a timeline of bad deeds then they shouldn’t own a gun. Simple as that. Banning assault weapons and high capacity magazines can have its ups using it for hunting or just shooting but it also has its downs killing people, or hurting someone, but I’m all for guns. So I think this law doesn’t need to be made. One needs to register it and make sure you don’t have a bad record, and know how to use a gun. That’s the law I think they should make.

Things Fall Apart, Chinua Achebe | Analysis

Things Fall Apart, Chinua Achebe | Analysis Things Fall Apart Things fall apart is a tragedy novel written by Chinua Achebe. Okonkwo, who is the protagonist of the novel and one of the most powerful men in the Ibo tribe often resorts to violence to make his points understood. Down in his heart, Okonkwo is not a cruel man, but his life is dominated by his internal conflict, the fear of failure and of weakness. He hated his father, Unoka, because he was a lazy debtor. Okonkwo made it a point in his life to set himself apart from his father by being well known and wealthy as well as becoming a great warrior in the tribal conflicts of Umuofia and the surrounding villages. His fear leads him to commit cruel actions that are disastrous for him and the clan, for examples, his uncontrollable anger has caused his family and the clan to fear him. Okonkwos external conflict will be his family and religion which is one of the reasons that led to the death of Okonkwo at the end. Okonkwos most prominent internal conflict, the fear of failure and weakness, destroyed his life and has made him a cruel man. His internal conflict gives him nothing but the fears of his family and clan have towards him. His conflict is greatly influenced by his father, but Okonkwo takes his fear to the extreme. Okonkwos father was a very lazy and carefree man. He had a reputation of being poor and his wife and children had just barely enough to eat they swore never to lend him any more money because he never paid back† (Achebe, pg. 61). In Umuofia, a father is supposed to teach the children right and wrong, and in this case, the lessons were not taught, but self-learned. Okonkwo had to rely on his own interpretations of what defined a good man and to him that was someone that was the exact opposite of his father. As a result of his own self-taught conclusions, Okonkwo feels that anything resembling his father or anything that his father enjoyed was weak and unnecessary. Becau se of his fear to be seen as weak, Okonkwo even strikes down Ikemefuna who lives with him for three years calls him father: as the machete came down. Okonkwo looked away. He heard the blow. He heard Ikemefuna cry `My father, they have killed me! Okonkwo draws his machete and cuts him down. He does not want to be though weak (P. 61). Even he act heartless and coldblooded, his guilt of killing Ikemefuna has caused him for not able to sleep and eats for days. This shows that he will destroy everything that makes him look weak no matter what. Okonkwos uncontrollable anger is his another prominent flaw that keeps him away from true greatness. Although his anger has served him well in his life, ultimately, it destroys his way of life. Okonkwo is very rough on his son, for example, when Nwoye overhears that Ikemefuna was to be taken back to his village, burst into tears Okonkwo beat him heavily(P57). Okonkwo tries to instill his personal views on how to live as a man to his son, and to Okonkwo, crying is very womanly, and so Nwoye is punished for it. Okonkwos inability to control his anger eventually drives his son away from him instead of teaching him what is right and what is wrong. It makes Nwoye want to join what Okonkwo wants to destroy. Okonkwo spies the District Commissioner and as he trembles with hate, unable to utter a word in a flash Okonkwo drew his machete. The messenger crouched to avoid the blow. It was useless. Okonkwos machete descended twice and the mans head lay beside his uniformed body. (P.204) Okonkwos hate and anger in this situation eventually leads him to his death. Although his hate and anger is justified here, it is clear that he is not able to control himself, and unrestrained anger does more harm than good. Achebe tries to show the readers that hate and anger is a very destructive way to live your life. If the people around sense the prospect of change, they will go against their ruler in hopes of change. Okonkwos external conflict will be his family and religion which is one of the reasons that led to the death of Okonkwo at the end. The clans of the Igbo society worshipped their gods, which made of stones and woods, differently than other religions. They had a representative for each of their goddess such as the Oracle of the Hills. The main god that they worshipped was Chukwu, who was believed had created heaven and Earth. His hatred and the humiliation he get from the Christian make him kill the messenger of District Commissioner. Okonkwo thinks that the Christians have ruined their clans because the clans found a new and accurate teaching, they began to doubt their own religion and the Igbo society was no longer acted like one. The death of Okonkwo at the end was unpredictable because throughout the novel, Chinua Achebe described him as a strong warrior who feared of nothing besides failure and weakness. When Okonkwo committed suicide, he also committed the only thing he feared, and that was weakness. In conclusion, Okonkwos most prominent internal conflict, the fear of failure and weakness, destroyed his life and has made him a cruel man. His uncontrollable anger is his another prominent flaw that keeps him away from true greatness. At the end, when Okonkwo committed suicide, he also committed the only thing he feared, and that was weakness.

Risks in Social Networking Sites

Risks in Social Networking Sites A social network is a map of the relationships between individuals, ranging from casual acquaintance to close familial bonds. Virtual communities are built around affinity and similarity. Social networking sites allow people to gather online around shared interests or causes, like finding people who live nearby or who are in the same age range. It is also one of the most popular Internet activities among teenagers. Friends are everything to a teen. New technologies in the last few years have provided opportunities for teens to make cyber friends in addition to their real world friends. These sites allow teens to design their own personalized page on the Internet, much like an interactive scrapbook, that can include their favorite music clips, their choice of background designs or wallpaper, photos, favorite quotes and any other information about themselves and anyone else that they wish to include. The websites combine many Internet features into one: personal profiles, blogs (web logs like an online diary or journal), places for photos and videos, the latest news in pop culture about music groups or hot new products, opinion polls, user groups, and more. Some of the most popular social networking sites for teens include MySpace, Facebook, and Bebo. Social networking websites have potential for both negative and positive consequences. These are public websites. Which means people of all ages, interests, and backgrounds have access to them. Due to the information sharing nature of these sites, teens face on critical and dangerous problems caused by using their personal information from others. There are many positives things about these websites when used appropriately. Creation of a personal web page can be a very creative outlet for a teen. Frequent entries into an online blog can give teens practice in writing and expressing their thoughts and opinions, which would improve their communication and language skills. Through using technology, teens are learning how to play with and use large amounts of data and information. Teens are also learning skills needed to build a website and use other technologies. Some other positive facts of the social networking websites are that people who share the same interests interact. They make these site a meeting point. They share school research documents and develop artistic talents and experiments with other forms of content creation. While most of this online interaction is just for fun, there are dangers for teens. While todays teens may be more digitally savvy than their parents, their lack of maturity and life experience can quickly get them into trouble with these new social venues. On the other hand, abusing of the social networking websites occurs harassment, tormenting, or sexual advances. Some criminals locate person with only his/her last name and town. To protect the teens from these online predators we need to look into the reasons why like these sites. Why are teens so attracted to social networking websites? 1. Consider the world in which todays teens have grown up. The media has made very public the personal lives of well known people from entertainment, sports, and political circles. Celebrities live out their lives in the limelight. Other examples are TV reality shows many of which are popular with teens. As mentioned earlier, friends are everything to a teen. As todays teens are growing up, they view the Internet as a place to hang out just as real world places are. Using the Internet to connect to friends they know in person and to make new friends is a natural step its just another way to communicate. Todays teens are a self-publicizing generation. It is natural for them to put information out there. A normal developmental task for teens is figuring out their identity. For example, it is typical for teens to try on different identities through their clothing and hairstyle choices. Designing a webpage complete with favorite symbols, quotes, and pictures can also be viewed as a way to try on an identity, test an image, and get feedback from others. 2. These sites expose teens to the world. They enable teens to access people living anywhere in the country or in foreign countries, as well as their peers from school. Its a place where they can create and showcase who they are and also keep tabs on all of their friends. Unless under a hidden view or setting, profile pages are open for all to see. But teens love social networking sites because its their space. There is a sense of empowerment attached to controlling a piece of their own world and this is typically a world where parents are not present. Privacy and Security Issues in Social Networking There are very serious privacy and safety issues with regard to social networking sites. Anyone worried by privacy issues on social networking sites should ask themselves the question: is the next generation even going to be bothered by online security? A survey in the U.K. has discovered that 25% of teenagers have either hacked or attempted to hack their mates Facebook accountsdespite four out of five of them admitting that they knew they were doing wrong. Most of the 1,150 under-19-year-olds, who were questioned anonymously, said that they tried to crack their friends passwords for fun. Some 21% said that they hoped to cause disruption (as Facebooks founder Mark Zuckerberg allegedly did at Harvard). A successful hack, however, was harder to manage than the kids had envisaged, with 82% saying they hadnt succeeded. As regards Facebook and privacy issues, theres been a fair amount of keyboard pounding. The problem, its implied, is with Zuckerbergs company ethos as he strives to eke as many dollars as possible out of the site. However, perhaps there is some meat in the argument that kids are less bothered about what actually constitutes a persons right to keep his private stuff just that. Tufin Technologies, the firm that commissioned the study, claims that it demonstrates that kids needed educating about what is and isnt acceptable with online privacy. Playing around with computers and trying to understand the system can be leveraged for good and bad purposes, said Reuven Harrison, one of the co-founders of Tufin. Theres a fine line at which point it becomes something bad. Children dont always understand where that line is. Risks associated to the use of social network services identified up to now include the following: The notion of oblivion does not exist on the Internet. Once stored it stays there forever. Data, once published, may stay there forever, even when the data has been deleted them from the original site, there may be copies with third parties. Additionally, some service providers refuse to speedily comply with user requests to have data, and especially complete profiles, deleted. The misleading nature of the community. If users are not openly informed about how their profile information is shared and what they can do to control how it is shared, they may by the misled into thoughtlessly sharing their personal data they would not otherwise. The very name of some of these sites like MySpace creates the illusion on the web. Free of charge may in fact not be for free. Many social networking providers make money by selling user data such as email to service providers for marketing purposes, e.g. for (targeted) marketing. Traffic data collection by social network service providers, some providers have an ability to collect and record every single move by a user. Some details like IP address are given to third parties for advertising. Note that in many jurisdictions these data will also have to be disclosed to law enforcement or secret services upon request, including maybe also foreign entities under existing rules on international cooperation. For many of the social networking site user data are only the thing they have to make profit. So they use it to maximize their profits. Giving away more personal information than we think. For example, photos and, social graph functionalities popular with many social network services do reveal data about the relationships between different users. Misuse of profile data by third parties: This is probably the most important threat potential for personal. Depending on available privacy settings profile information, including pictures are made available to the entire user community. And very little protection is present against copying any kind of data from profiles. Law enforcement agencies and secret services are other entities. Possible hijacking of profiles by unauthorized third parties. Use of an insecure infrastructure. The introduction of interoperability standards and application programming interfaces to make different social network services technically interoperable entails additional new risks. Social issues Cyber-Bullying by Teenagers Should society be concerned? Many teens argue that rating is harmless fun. Fun it probably is, but whether it is harmless only time will tell. Teachers, lecturers and professors could find themselves unknowingly the subject of ribaldry, criticism, victimization or worse. Potential exists for slander and defamatory suggestions, if ratings are accompanied by gossip. Social Networking and Harassment The internet has had a reputation for being a platform for online bullying. Sometimes cyber-bullying has involved student to student situations. Sometimes harassment issues in the workplace have found their way online and teens have been targeted by online predators. Teenagers have found themselves giving statements to the law about bullying allegations, now this could affect teachers too. Online Bullying Health Issues for Teachers Stressed teachers, who are sometimes trying to give of their best in difficult circumstances, could be subjected to additional emotional and psychological trauma. Teenagers can be cruel in their humor and comments could be misleading, inaccurate, or derogatory, with scope for invention and exaggeration. Some would not realize that an online campaign of uncomplimentary performance ratings, ridicule or even threats might have negative consequences for teachers well-being. Laws Pertaining to Social Networking Sites The two most important statutes to consider when discussing the legal liabilities and obligations of the social networking sites are Section 512(c) of the Digital Millenium Copyright Act and Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. Section 512 Section 512(c) removes liability for copyright infringement from websites that allow users to post content, as long as the site has a mechanism in place whereby the copyright owner can request the removal of infringing content. The site must also not receive a financial benefit directly attributable to the infringing activity. Section 230 Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act immunizes website from any liability resulting from the publication of information provided by another. This usually arises in the context of defamation, but several courts have expanded it to cover other sorts of claims as well. Thus, if a user posts defamatory or otherwise illegal content, Section 230 shields the social network provider from any liability arising out of the publication. Websites that, in whole or in part, create or develop contested information, on the other hand, are deemed content providers that do not benefit from the protections of Section 230. For example, MySpace.com attempts to restrict the ability to view underage profiles by preventing older users from accessing them. In effect, the web site filters the content based on answers provided during registration to ensure that only minors of certain ages can view other profiles from that age group. This would almost certainly qualify as meta-information under the Roommates.com decision, and would bump MySpace out from under the protection of Section 230. State Laws In addition to these federal statutes, several states have enacted or proposed laws that would create requirements for social networking sites, particularly in regards to monitoring the presence and activities of sexual predators using the sites. For an example, the North Carolina state senate recently passed a bill requiring that parents and guardians register with a social networking site and verify their ages before their children can sign up for an account. This is to counter the difficulty in verifying the ages of minors, who usually lack credit cards or other sources of information concerning their ages. That bill still requires approval from the North Carolina House of Representatives. Childrens Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA) The New Problem of Sexting Sexting refers to sending a text message with pictures of children or teens that are inappropriate, naked or engaged in sex acts. According to a recent survey, about 20 percent of teen boys and girls have sent such messages. The emotional pain it causes can be enormous for the child in the picture as well as the sender and receiver often with legal implications. Some social networking sites attract pre-teens even kids as young as 5 or 6. These younger-focused sites dont allow the same kinds of communication that teens and adults have, but there are still things that parents can do to help young kids socialize safely online. In fact, when it comes to young kids, the law provides some protections and gives parents some control over the type of information that children can disclose online. For sites directed to children under age 13, and for general audience sites that know theyre dealing with kids younger than 13, theres the Childrens Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA). It requires these sites to get parental consent before they collect, maintain, or use kids information. COPPA also allows parents to review their childs online profiles and blog pages. Cultural Issues Teens chose to go where their friends are. So they dont randomly select their friends, they connect with people who are like them. This is known as homophily in the sociological concept of which highlights that birds of a feather stick together. By the time most teens join MySpace or Facebook, they already know someone who is on the site. They are attracted to the site because of the people there. MySpace came out as the first and quickly attracted young adults. It spread to teenagers through older. Facebook started at Harvard and spread with in before spreading more broadly. First within Harvard, then to other colleges, then to companies, then high schools, and then the whole world. MySpace came first and many teens chose to embrace it. When Facebook came along, plenty of teens changed to it as the new thing. In doing so, some chose to leave MySpace, while most simply maintained two profiles. Yet Facebook did not simply take over MySpace. In May 2009 comScore reported that MySpace and Facebook had roughly equal numbers of unique visitors. In choosing between the two sites, teens marked one as for people like me, which suggested that the other was for the other people. Teens use social categories and labels to identify people with values, tastes, and social positions. As teens chose between MySpace and Facebook, these sites began reflecting the cultural frames of those social categories. Health Safety Issues Health and safety on the internet applies to the mental health of an individual rather than the physical. For example the use of social networking site Facebook is associated with issues of cyber bullying and peer pressure. Solutions Teen Users of social networks 1. Be careful Think twice before publishing personal data (specifically name, address, or telephone number) in a social network profile. 2. Think twice before using your real name in a profile. Use a pseudonym instead. Note that even then you have only limited control over who can identify you, as third parties may be able to lift a pseudonym, especially based on pictures. Think of using different pseudonyms on different platforms. 3. Respect the privacy of others Be especially careful with publishing personal information about others (including pictures or even tagged pictures), without that other persons consent. Note that illegal publication especially of pictures is a crime in many jurisdictions. 4. Be informed Who operates the service? Under which jurisdiction? Is there an adequate regulatory framework for protecting privacy? Is there an independent oversight mechanism (like a Privacy Commissioner) that you can turn to in case of problems? Which guarantees does the service provider give with respect to handling your personal data? Has the service been certified by independent and trustworthy entities for good quality of privacy, and security? Use the web to educate yourself about other peoples experience with the privacy and security practices of a service provider you do not know. Use existing information material from providers of social network services, but also from independent sources like Data Protection Agencies, and security companies. 5. Use privacy friendly settings Restrict availability of information as much as possible, especially with respect to indexing by search engines. 6. Use different identification data (e.g. login and password) than those you use on other websites you visit (e.g. for your e-mail or bank account). 7. Use opportunities to control how a service provider uses your personal (profile and traffic) data. E.g. opt out of use for targeted marketing. What parents can do Learn what your teen is doing on the Internet. One way is to ask your teen to help you with doing a task on the web. Help teens know what is appropriate to put on the web. They have the web knowledge but you have life experience. Be clear about what is not safe to post on the web: full name, address, specific places they go, phone numbers, ethnic background, and anything else that would help someone identify or locate them. Remind your teen that strangers and people they dont want accessing their information have the ability to do just that. Once something is posted on the web, it is no longer private. Stress that the rules of social networking sites must be followed. There are age limits on most sites. Establish limits on how much screen time your teen has including time at the computer, watching TV, or playing video games. Invite your teen to show you his/her web page. Give him/her a day or two of warning before looking at it. Some teens may rethink what they have posted. Consider joining the same website your teen is on and setting up your own profile. That way your teen will be able to look at your profile and you will be able to ask to view his/her profile. Knowing this, teens will be much better at self monitoring. Conclusion à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Bullying and other threats which young users inflict upon each other may be more likely to arise than threats from adults. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Much is known about potential risks, but more research on the nature and extent of harm actually experienced by minors online is needed. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Parental involvement in their childrens online activity is important, but principles of privacy and trust should dictate how parents help children to stay safe. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Education and awareness are the most important factors in enabling minors to keep themselves safe. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Industry self-regulation is the preferred approach for service providers to meet public expectations with regard to the safety of minors. Legislation should not place burdens on service providers which prevent them from providing minors with all the benefits of social networking. However, available safety measures vary greatly from one provider to another and mandatory minimum levels of provision may need to be established. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ There are a number of resources for learning how to guide youth, and program leaders can direct parents to them. One Internet watchdog, Parry Aftab, has several websites with advice tailored for parents, police and the youth themselves. One of them, WiredSafety, contains a guide to staying safe in online social networks.

Eastman Chemical :: essays research papers

Eastman Chemical Company located in Kingsport, Tennessee is in an industry that produces basic and immediate chemicals, specialty chemicals, agricultural chemicals, petrochemicals, plastics and fibers, and paints and coatings. Eastman also manufactures over 1200 chemicals, fibers and plastics; as well as being the largest supplier of polyester plastics. Currently Eastman employs over 15,000 people in 30 countries with manufacturing sites tactically located in 17 countries, with Asia Pacific Region Office being one of their key offices.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Eastman is known in the chemical industry as a world leader in the e-business. They are the first chemical company to provide their customers with e-business, which allowed them to do business in a much easier and efficient manner. Eastman e-business specializes in an online storefront and transactional Customer Centra; Web-enable auctions; alliances and investments in digital business, along with system-to-system ERP connections. The main focus of Eastman’s e-business was:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  1. Creating customer-centric solutions   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  2. Portfolio of option, along with providing solutions for customers via electronic means   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  3. Invest in technologies/capabilities that bring value to customers   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  4. Be externally focused   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  5. Form partnerships   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  6. Build an e-brand, which attract customers, suppliers and technology partners   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  7. Leverage its intellectual capital, industry knowledge, network of contacts, credibility, brand and customer base   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  By implementing the e-business, Eastman’s customers were able to view products, check status of orders, access certificates of analysis, material safety data sheets, etc. The only problem Eastman originally saw with the e-business model which they have worked so hard to implement was that only 22 of the companies, which they do business with, are connected. And it’s very important to get all the companies connected into their infrastructure, which will provide all their customers with the seven foundational principles.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Knowing the importance of getting the industry knowledgeable and connected to the e-business, Craig Knight, the Asia Pacific Digital Business and Customer Service Manager of Eastman Asia Division was tasked to sell the Eastman’s philosophy. Knight made a two-week trip to Tokyo, Shanghai, and Malaysia to sell Eastman’s integrated electronic supply chain, known as the Integrated System Solution (ISS), to business partners in the industry. He was able to sell Nagase & Co., Ltd, a company in Japan on the ISS, but they had some concerns regarding the system. Knight truly understood their concerns, and made every effort to ease the process by providing the long-term benefits of the ISS to Nagase & Co., Ltd and other business partners.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  According to George Eastman, â€Å"business as usual can put you out of business†.

Consumer Alert Essay -- essays research papers fc

Consumer Alert In an era when free enterprise is the key to an efficient, productive, and successful country, business sometimes digresses from their true duties of producing goods and services at an honest and decent price. Consumer Alert, founded in 1977, was founded with a single purpose in mind: "to advance the consumer interest through advocacy of free-market solutions to consumer dissatisfaction and scrutiny of any action which discourages competition in the marketplace." Consumer Alert was founded in 1977 as a national, non-profit membership organization for people concerned about excessive growth of government regulation at the national and state levels. Consumer Alert's mission is to inform the public about the consumer benefits of competitive enterprise and to expose the flawed economic, scientific and risk data that underlie certain public policies. Now, Consumer Alert is the home to the spare time of over 6,000 volunteers. Each of these volunteers donate their valuable time to Consumer Alert for the sole reason of upholding high ethics within the American marketplace. Anyone can become a member. The only qualification is that the individual have a distinct and strong faith in competitive enterprise, a healthy skepticism of government solutions, a dislike of government related monopolies, labor, or business, and be in the favor of safe technology, free trade, smaller government and lower taxes...

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace Essay -- Sexual Harassment, Womens

Sexual harassment is a violation of women's rights and a prohibited form of violence against women in many countries. Sexually harassing conduct causes devastating physical and psychological injuries to a large percentage of women in workplaces around the world. Harassment directed against women in the workplace by their supervisors, fellow employees, or third parties interferes with the integration of women in the workforce, reinforces the subordination of women to men in society, violates women's dignity and creates a health and safety hazard at work. Women's advocates around the world work to further women’s right to be free from sexual harassment. Critical to these efforts to combat sexual harassment has been the growing recognition of sexual harassment as a form of violence against women which violates women's human rights. States are obligated under international law to take effective steps to protect women from violence and to hold harassers and/or their employers accountable for sexual harassment in the workplace. The prohibition of sexual harassment in the workplace is closely linked with theories relating to the subordination of women to men that were first introduced in the United States in the 1970s. These theories associated sexual harassment with violence against women, the perpetuation of gender stereotypes and the assertion of economic power over women, all phenomena which serve to subordinate women to men. In general, the role sexual harassment is believed to play in the subordination of women in society has led many countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Japan and South Africa, to recognize sexual harassment as an actionable form of sex discrimination. Over time, howe... ...orris, N. M. (1985). Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 10. Sobel, M. E., & Leinhard, S. (Ed.) (1982). Sociological methodology 1982. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association. 11. Swearer, S. M., Espelage, D. L., & Napolitano, S. A. (2009). Bullying prevention and interventions: Realistic strategies for schools. New York, NY: Guilford Press. 12. Touchette, E., Henegrar, A., Godart, N. T., Pryor, L., Falssard, B., Tremblay, R. E., & Cote, S. M. (2011). Psychiatry Research. 13. Willett, J. B., & Sayer, A. G. (1994). Psychological Bulletin. 14. Woodside, D. B., Garfinkel, P. E., Lin, E., Goering, P., & Kaplan, A. S. (2001). American Journal of Psychiatry. 15. Zurbriggen, E. L., Collins, R. L., Lamb, S., Roberts, T., Tolman, D. L., Ward, L. M., & Blake, J. (2007). Report of the APA Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls.

Hip Hop Article Summaries Essay

Article 1 Talking about Afro-American teens in 2005 Bert Staples described how he felt that Hip Hop had lost its way and betrayed its many fans. He feels that, although it started out with a number of different themes, it   now only perpetuates the myth that achievement only belongs to white people and negative things such as violence belong only in black culture. He describes how the music was used to insult rivals and provoke gang war fare that ended in fatalities in the 1990’s. There are record companies, he claims, who promote violence in order to sell records. He gives the example of 50 Cents, otherwise Curtis Jackson, whose records are insulting and promote violence. Staples   says that newer artists are more likely to adopt similar methods just to get noticed.   He speaks about the music industry’s greed and lack of any self control which has led to the present situation, one in which the general public has decided that Hip Hop is no longer acceptable and so are stopping buying discs or going to gigs. Hip Hop – so violent that it has shot itself in the foot. Article 2   Hip Hop and Youth Culture The writer describes Hip Hops an ‘emerging cultural phenomenon’ now representing millions of dollars and which is intertwined with young people’s lives. It came about, like many other trends have done in the past , because the people   concerned   found they were unable to gain any acceptance in the entertainment   industry through the standard channels. Adults refused to accept Hip Hop as legitimate music. This rejection made it all the more attractive to the young, black and white, both in rebellion against the mainstream. They found it was easy to participate in – you don’t need to be a musician or have a good singing voice to rap. In contrast to the first article this writer says there are many themes, all of which play out with dominant percussion. There is little reliance on traditional Western music types. It is way of expressing pride in one’s community, but this has led to gang warfare.. Part of the attraction is the ease in which the message can be delivered. It can be an honest expression of feelings   – it can also be insulting – both are part of Hip Hop. It was only when it became violent that the music industry became interested – they could count the dollars.

The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison

The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison JEFFREY H. REIMAN American University or the same criminal behavior, the poor are more likely to be arrested; if arrested, they are more likely to be charged; if charged, more likely to be convicted; if convicted, more likely to be sentenced to prison; and if sentenced, more likely to be given longer prison terms than members of the middle and upper classes. 1 In other words, the image of the criminal population one sees in our nation’s jails and prisons is distorted by the shape of the criminal justice system itself.It is the face of evil reflected in a carnival mirror, but it is no laughing matter. F The face in the criminal justice carnival mirror is also †¦ very frequently black face. Although blacks do not make up the majority of the inmates in our jails and prisons, they make up a proportion that far outstrips their proportion in the population. 2 Here, too, the image we see is distorted by the processes of the criminal ju stice system itself.Edwin Sutherland and Donald Cressey write in their widely used textbook Criminology that Numerous studies have shown that African-Americans are more likely to be arrested, indicted, convicted, and committed to an institution than are whites who commit the same offenses, and many other studies have shown that blacks have a poorer chance than whites to receive probation, a suspended sentence, parole, commutation of a death sentence, or pardon. 3 Curiously enough, statistics on differential treatment of races are available in greater abundance than are statistics on differential treatment of economic classes.For instance, although the FBI tabulates arrest rates by race (as well as by sex, age, and geographical area), it omits class or income. Similarly, both the President’s Crime Commission Report and Sutherland and Cressey’s Criminology have index entries for race or racial discrimination but none for class or income of offenders. It would seem that b oth independent and government data gatherers are more willing to own up to America’s racism than to its class bias. Nevertheless, it does not pay to look at these as two independent forms of bias.It is my view that, at least as far as criminal justice is concerned, racism is simply one powerful form of economic bias. I use evidence on differential treatment of blacks as evidence of differential treatment of members of the lower classes. There are five reasons: 1. First and foremost, black Americans are disproportionately poor. In 1995, while one out of every eight white Americans received income below the poverty line, three out of every ten black Americans did. The picture is even worse when we shift from income to wealth (property such as a home, land, stocks): In 1991, black households owned one-tenth the median net worth of white households. 5 Unemployment figures give a similarly dismal picture: In 1995, 4. 9 percent of white workers were unemployed and 10. 4 percent of blacks were. Among those in the crime-prone ages of 16 to 24, 15. 6 percent of white youngsters (with no college) and 34. 0 (more than one of every three) black youngsters (with no college) were jobless. 6 2.The factors most likely to keep one out of trouble with the law and out of prison, such as a suburban living room instead of a tenement alley to gamble in or legal counsel able to devote time to one’s case instead of an overburdened public defender, are the kinds of things that money can buy regardless of one’s race, creed, or national origin. For example, as we shall see, arrests of blacks for illicit drug possession or dealing have sky- Reiman, Jeffrey, THE RICH GET RICHER AND THE POOR GET PRISON: Ideology, Class and Criminal Justice, 5th Edition,  © 1998, pp. 01–148. Adapted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc. , Upper Saddle River, NJ. 1 2 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison rocketed in recent years, rising way out of proportion to drug ar rests for whites— though research shows no greater drug use among blacks than among whites. However, drug arrests are most easily made in â€Å"disorganized inner-city† areas, where drug sales are more likely to take place out of doors, and dealers are more willing to sell to strangers. Blacks are (proportionately) more likely than whites to live in such inner-city areas nd thus more likely than whites to be arrested on drug charges. 7 But one very important reason that blacks are more likely than whites to live in disorganized inner-city areas is that a greater percentage of blacks than whites are poor and unemployed. What might at first look like a straightforward racial disparity turns out to reflect economic status. 3. Blacks who travel the full route of the criminal justice system and end up in jail or prison are close in economic condition to whites who do.In 1978, 53 percent of black jail inmates had pre-arrest incomes below $3,000, compared with 44 percent of w hites. 8 1983, the median pre-arrest income of black jail inmates was $4,067 and that of white jail inmates was $6,312. About half of blacks in jail were unemployed before arrest and 44 percent of whites were. 9 In 1991, 30 percent of whites in the prison population and 38 percent of blacks reported full- or part-time employment during the month before their arrest. 10 4.Some studies suggest that race works to heighten the effects of economic condition on criminal justice outcomes, so that â€Å"being unemployed and black substantially increase[s] the chances of incarceration over those associated with being either unemployed or black. †11 This means that racism will produce a kind of selective economic bias, making a certain segment of the unemployed even more likely to end up behind bars. 5. Finally, it is my belief that the economic powers that be in America have sufficient power to end or drastically reduce racist bias in the criminal justice system.To the extent that the y allow it to exist, it is not unreasonable to assume that it furthers their economic interests. For all these reasons, racism will be treated here as either a form of economic bias or a tool that achieves the same end. In the remainder of this [selection], I show how the criminal justice system functions to weed out the wealthy (meaning both middle- and upper-class offenders) at each stage of the process and thus produces a distorted image of the crime problem. Before entering into this discussion, three points are worth noting: First, it is not my view that the poor are all innocent victims persecuted by the evil rich.The poor do commit crimes, and my own assumption is that the vast majority of the poor who are confined in our prisons are guilty of the crimes for which they were sentenced. In addition, there is good evidence that the poor do commit a greater portion of the crimes against person and property listed in the FBI Index than the middle- and upper-classes do, relative to their numbers in the national population. What I have already tried to prove is that the crimes in the FBI Index are not the only acts that threaten us nor are they the acts that threaten us the most.What I will try to prove in what follows is that the poor are arrested and punished by the criminal justice system much more frequently than their contribution to the crime problem would warrant—thus the criminals who populate our prisons as well as the public’s imagination are disproportionately poor. Second, the following discussion has been divided into three sections that correspond to the major criminal justice decision points. †¦ As always, such classifications are a bit neater than reality, and so they should not be taken as rigid compartments. Many of the distorting processes operate at all criminal justice decision points.So, for example, while I will primarily discuss the light-handed treatment of white-collar criminals in the section on charging and senten cing, it is also true that white-collar criminals are less likely to be arrested or convicted than are blue-collar criminals. The section in which a given issue is treated is a reflection of the point in the criminal justice process at which the disparities are the most striking. Suffice it to say, however, that the disparities between the treatment of the poor and the nonpoor are to be found at all points of the process.Third, it must be borne in mind that the movement from arrest to sentencing is a funnelling process, so that discrimination that occurs at any early stage shapes the population that reaches later The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 3 stages. Thus, for example, some recent studies find little economic bias in sentence length for people convicted of similar crimes. 12 When reading such studies, one should remember that the population that reaches the point of sentencing has already been subject to whatever discrimination exists at earlier stages.If, for exampl e, among people with similar offenses and records, poor people are more likely to be charged and more likely to be convicted, then even if the sentencing of convicted criminals is evenhanded, it will reproduce the discrimination that occurred before. using both official and self-reported data suggests †¦ that there is no pervasive relationship between SES [socioeconomic status] and delinquency. †15 This conclusion is echoed by Jensen and Thompson, who argue that The safest onclusion concerning class structure and delinquency is the same one that has been proposed for several decades: class, no matter how defined, contributes little to explaining variation of self-reports of common delinquency. 16 Others conclude that while lower-class individuals do commit more than their share of crime, arrest records overstate their share and understate that of the middle and upper classes. 17 Still other studies suggest that some forms of serious crime— forms usually associated with lower-class youth— show up more frequently among higher-class persons than among lower. 8 For instance, Empey and Erikson interviewed 180 white males aged 15 to 17 who were drawn from different economic strata. They found that â€Å"virtually all respondents reported having committed not one but a variety of different offenses† Although youngsters from the middle classes constituted 55 percent of the group interviewed, they admitted to 67 percent of the instances of breaking and entering, 70 percent of the instances of property destruction, and an astounding 87 percent of all armed robberies admitted to by the entire sample. 9 Williams and Gold studied a national sample of 847 males and females between the ages of 13 and 16. 20 Of these, 88 percent admitted to at least one delinquent offense. Even those who conclude â€Å"that more lower status youngsters commit delinquent acts more frequently than do higher status youngsters†21 also recognize that lower cl ass youth are significantly overrepresented in official records. Gold writes that â€Å"about five times more lowest than highest status boys appear in the official records; if records were complete and unselective, we estimate that the ratio would be closer to 1. :1. †22 The simple fact is that for the same offense, a poor person is more likely to be arrested and, if arrested charged, than a middleor upper-class person. 23 This means, first of all, that poor people are more likely to come to the attention of the police. Furthermore, even when apprehended, the police are more likely to formally charge a poor person and release a higher-class person for the same offense. Gold writes that ARREST AND CHARGING The problem with most official records of who commits crime is that they are really statistics on who gets arrested and convicted.If, as I will show, the police are more likely to arrest some people than others, these official statistics may tell us more about police than a bout criminals. In any event, they give us little reliable data about those who commit crime and do not get caught. Some social scientists, suspicious of the bias built into official records, have tried to devise other methods of determining who has committed a crime. Most often, these methods involve an interview or questionnaire in which the respondent is assured of anonymity and asked to reveal whether he or she has committed any offenses for which he or she could be arrested and convicted.Techniques to check reliability of these self-reports also have been devised however, if their reliability is still in doubt, common sense would dictate that they would understate rather than overstate the number of individuals who have committed crimes and never come to official notice. In light of this, the conclusions of these studies are rather astounding. It would seem that crime is the national pastime. The President’s Crime Commission conducted a survey of 10,000 households and di scovered that â€Å"91 percent of all Americans have violated laws that could have subjected them to a term of imprisonment at one time in their lives. 13 A number of other studies support the conclusion that serious criminal behavior is widespread among middle- and upper-class individuals, although these individuals are rarely, if ever, arrested. Some of the studies show that there are no significant differences between economic classes in the incidence of criminal behavor. 14 The authors of a recent review of literature on class and delinquency conclude that â€Å"Research published since 1978, 4 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison oys who live in poorer parts of town and are apprehended by police for delinquency are four to five times more likely to appear in some official record than boys from wealthier sections who commit the same kinds of offenses. These same data show that, at each stage in the legal process from charging a boy with an offense to some sort of dispos ition in court, boys from different socioeconomic backgrounds are treated differently, so that those eventually incarcerated in public institutions, that site of most of the research on delinquency, are selectively poorer boys. 4 From a study of self-reported delinquent behavior, Gold finds that when individuals were apprehended, â€Å"if the offender came from a higher status family, police were more likely to handle the matter themselves without referring it to the court. †25 Terence Thornberry reached a similar conclusion in his study of 3,475 delinquent boys in Philadelphia. Thornberry found that among boys arrested for equally serious offenses and who had similar prior offense records, police were more likely to refer to lower-class youths than the more affluent ones to juvenile court.The police were more likely to deal with the wealthier youngsters informally, for example, by holding them in the station house until their parents came rather than instituting formal proce dures. Of those referred to juvenile court, Thornberry found further that for equally serious offenses and with similar prior records, the poorer youngsters were more likely to be institutionalized than were the affluent ones. The wealthier youths were more likely to receive probation than the poorer ones.As might he expected, Thornberry found the same relationships when corn paring the treatment of black and white youths apprehended for equally serious offenses. 26 Recent studies continue to show similar effects. For example, Sampson found that, for the same crimes, juveniles in lower-class neighborhoods were more likely to have some police record than those in better-off neighborhoods. Again, for similar crimes, lower-class juveniles were more likely to be referred to court than better-off juveniles.If you think these differences are not so important because they are true only of young offenders, remember that this group accounts for much of the crime problem. Moreover, other stud ies not limited to the young tend to show the same economic bias. McCarthy found that, in metropolitan areas, for similar suspected crimes, unemployed people were more likely to be arrested than employed. 27 As I indicated above, racial bias is but another form in which the bias against the poor works. And blacks are more likely to be suspected or arrested than whites. A. 988 Harvard Law Review overview of studies on race and the criminal process concludes that â€Å"most studies †¦ reveal what many police officers freely admit: that police use race as an independently significant, if not determinative, factor in deciding whom to follow, detain, search, or arrest. †28 â€Å"A 1994 study of juvenile detention decisions found that African-American and Hispanic youths were more likely to be detained at each decision point, even after controlling for the influence of offense seriousness and social factors (e. g. , singleparent home).Decisions by both police and the courts t o detain a youngster were highly influenced by race. †29 The study states that, â€Å"[n]ot only were there direct effects of race, but indirectly, socioeconomic status was related to detention, thus putting youth of color again at risk for differential treatment. †30 Reporting the results of University of Missouri criminologist Kimberly Kempf’s study of juvenile justice in fourteen Pennsylvania counties, Jerome Miller says that â€Å"Black teenagers were more likely to be detained, to be handled formally, to be waived to adult court, and to be adjudicated delinquent. 31 And the greater likelihood of arrest that minorities face is matched by a greater likelihood of being charged with a serious offense. For example, Huizinga and Elliott report that: â€Å"Minorities appear to be at greater risk for being charged with more serious offenses than whites when involved in comparable levels of delinquent behavior. †32 Bear in mind that once an individual has a c riminal record, it becomes harder for that person to get employment thus increasing the likelihood of future criminal involvement and more serious criminal charges.For reasons mentioned earlier, a disproportionately large percentage of the casualties in the recent War on Drugs are poor inner-city minority males. Michael Tonry writes that, â€Å"according to National Institute on Drug Abuse (1991) surveys of Americans’ drug use, [Blacks] are not more likely than Whites ever to have used most drugs of abuse. Nonetheless, the †¦ number of drug arrests of Blacks more than doubled between 1985 and 1989, whereas White drug arrests increased only by 27 percent. †33 A study conducted by the SentencingThe Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 5 Project, based mainly on Justice Department statistics, indicates that â€Å"Blacks make up 12 percent of the United States’ population and constitute 13 percent of all monthly drug users†¦, but represent 35 percent o f those arrested for drug possession, 55 percent of those convicted of drug possession and 74 percent of those sentenced to prison for drug possession. †34 Numerous studies of police use of deadly force show that blacks are considerably more likely than whites or Hispanics to be shot by the police.For example, using data from Memphis, Tennessee, covering the years from 1969 through 1974, James Fyfe found that blacks were 10 times more likely than whites to have been shot at unsuccessfully by police, 18 times more likely to have been wounded, and 5 times more likely to have been killed. †35 A nation that has watched the brutal treatment meted out to Rodney King by California police officers will not find this surprising. Does anyone think this would have happened if King were a white man? Any number of reasons can be offered to account for the differences in police treatment of poor versus well-off citizens.Some argue that they relied that the poor have less privacy. 36 W hat others can do in their living rooms or backyards the poor do on the street. Others argue that a police officers decision to book a poor youth and release a middle-class youth reflects either the officer’s judgment that the higher-class youngster’s family will be more likely and more able to discipline him or her than the lower-class youngster’s, or differences in the degree to which poor and middle-class complainants demand arrest.Others argue that police training and police work condition police officers to be suspicious of certain kinds of people, such as lower-class youth, blacks, Mexicans, and so on,37 a thus more likely to detect their criminality. Still others hold that police mainly arrest those with the least political clout,38 those who are least able to focus public attention on police practices or bring political influence to bear, and these happen to be the members of the lowest social and economic classes. Regardless of which view one takes, and probably all have some truth in them, one conclusion is inescapable.One of the reasons the offender â€Å"at the end of the road in prison is likely to be a member of the lowest social and economic groups in the country† is that the police officers who guard the access to the road to prison make sure that more poor people make the trip than well-to-do people. Likewise for prosecutors. A recent study of prosecutors’ decisions shows that lower-class individuals are more likely to have charges pressed against them than upper-class individuals. 39 Racial discrimination also characterizes prosecutors’ decisions to charge.The Harvard Law Review overview of studies on race and the criminal process asserts, â€Å"Statistical studies indicate that prosecutors are more likely to pursue full prosecution, file more severe charges, and seek more stringent penalties in cases involving minority defendants than in cases involving nonminority defendants. †40 One study of whites, blacks, and Hispanics arrested in Los Angeles on suspicion of having committed a felony found that, among defendants with equally serious charges and prior records, 59 percent of whites had their charges dropped at the initial screening, ompared with 40 percent of blacks and 37 percent of Hispanics. 41 The weeding out of the wealthy starts at the very entrance to the criminal justice system: The decision about whom to investigate, arrest, or charge is not made simply on the basis of the offense committed or the danger posed. It is a decision distorted by a systematic economic bias that works to the disadvantage of the poor. This economic bias is a two-edged sword.Not only are the poor arrested and charged out of proportion to their numbers for the kinds of crimes poor people generally commit—burglary, robbery, assault, and so forth—but when we reach the kinds of crimes poor people almost never have the opportunity to commit, such as antitrust violations, indus trial safety violations, embezzlement, and serious tax evasion, the criminal justice system shows an increasingly benign and merciful lace. The more likely that a crime is the type committed by middle and upper class people, the less likely that it will be treated as a criminal offense.When it comes to crime in the streets, where the perpetrator is apt to be poor, he or she is even more likely to be arrested and formally charged. When it comes to crime in the suites, where the offender is apt to be affluent, the system is most likely to deal with the crime noncriminally, that is, by civil litigation or informal settlement. Where it does choose to proceed criminally, as we will see in the section on sentencing, it rarely goes beyond a slap on the wrist. Not only is the main entry to the road to prison held wide open to the poor but the access routes for the wealthy are largely sealed off.Once again, we should not be surprised at whom we find in our prisons. 6 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison CONVICTION Between arrest and imprisonment lies the crucial process that determines guilt or innocence. Studies of individuals accused of similar offenses and with similar prior records show that the poor defendant is more likely to be adjudicated guilty than is the wealthier defendant. 42 In the adjudication process the only thing that should count is whether the accused is guilty and whether the prosecution can prove it beyond a reasonable doubt.Unfortunately, at least two other factors that are irrelevant to the question of guilt or innocence significantly affect the outcome: One is the ability of the accused to be free on bail prior to trial; and the second is access to legal counsel able to devote adequate time and energy to the case. Because both bail and high-quality legal counsel cost money, it should come as no surprise that here as elsewhere the poor do poorly. Being released on bail is Important in several respects.First and foremost is that those not released on hail are kept in jail like individuals who have been found guilty. They are thus punished while they are still legally innocent. â€Å"On June 30, 1995, an estimated 44 percent of the nation’s adult jail inmates had been convicted on their current charge. An estimated 223,000 adult jail inmates were serving a sentence, awaiting sentencing, or serving time in jail [or a probation or parole violation. Between 1985 and 1995 the number of convicted inmates rose by nearly 100,000—up from 13,409.During the same period, the number of convicted jail inmates, including those on trial or awaiting arraignment or trial, doubled (from 127,059 to an estimated 284,100). †43 Beyond the obvious ugliness of punishing people before they are found guilty, confined defendants suffer from other disabilities. Specifically, they cannot actively aid in their own defense by seeking out witnesses and evidence. Several studies have shown that among defendants accused of the sam e offenses those who make bail are more likely to be acquitted than those who do not. 4 In a recent study of unemployment and punishment, Chiricos and Bales found that ‘after the effects of other factors [seriousness of crime, prior record, etc. ] were controlled, an unemployed defendant was 3. 2 times more like to be incarcerated before trial than his employed counterpart. †45 Furthermore, because the time spent in jail prior to adjudication of guilt may count as part of the sentence if one is found guilty, the accused are often placed in a ticklish position.Let us say the accused believes he or she is innocent, and let us say also that he or she has been in the slammer for two months awaiting trial. Along comes the prosecutor to offer a deal: If you plead guilty to such-and-such (usually a lesser offense than has been charged, say, possession of burglar’s tools instead of burglary), the prosecutor promises to ask the judge to sentence you to two months. In other words, plead guilty and walk out of jail today (free, but with a criminal record that will make finding a job hard and insure a stiffer sentence next ime around)—or maintain your innocence, stay in jail until trial, and then be tried for the full charge instead of the lesser offense! In fact, not only does the prosecutor threaten to prosecute for the full charge, but this is often accompanied by the implied but very real threat to press for the most severe penalty as well—for taking up the court’s time. Plea bargaining such as this is an everyday occurrence in the criminal justice system. Contrary to the Perry Mason image, the vast majority of criminal convictions in the United States are reached without a trial.It is estimated that between 70 and 95 percent of convictions are the result of a negotiated plea,46 that is, a bargain in which the accused agrees to plead guilty (usually to a lesser offense than he or she is charged with or to one offense out of many he or she is charged with) in return for an informal promise of leniency from the prosecutor with the tacit consent of the judge. If you were the jailed defendant offered a deal like this, how would you choose? Suppose you were a poor black man not likely to be able to retain F. Lee Bailey or Edward Bennett Williams for your defense.The advantages of access to adequate legal counsel during the adjudicative process are obvious but still worthy of mention. In 1963, the U. S. Supreme Court handed down the landmark Gideon v. Wainwright decision, holding that the states must provide legal counsel to the indigent in all felony cases. As a result, no person accused of a serious crime need face his or her accuser without a lawyer. However, the Supreme Court has not held that the Constitution entitles individuals to lawyers able to devote equal time and resources to their cases.Even though Gideon represents significant progress in making good on the constitutional promise of equal treatment before the law, we still are left with two transmission belts of justice: one for the poor and one for the affluent. There is an emerging body of case law on the right to effective assistance of counsel;47 however, this is yet to have any serious The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 7 impact on the assembly-line legal aid handed out to the poor.Indigent defendants, those who cannot afford to retain their own lawyers, will be defended either by a public defender or by a private attorney assigned by the court. Because the public defender is a salaried attorney with a case load much larger than that of a private criminal lawyer,48 and because court-assigned private attorneys are paid a fixed fee that is much lower than they charge their regular clients, neither is able or motivated to devote much time to the indigent defendant’s defense. Both are strongly motivated to bring their cases to a close quickly by negotiating a plea of guilty.Because the public defender works i n day-today contact with the prosecutor and the judge, the pressures on him or her to negotiate a plea as quickly as possible, instead of rocking the boat by threatening to go to trial,49 are even greater than those that work on court-assigned counsel. In an essay aptly titled â€Å"Did You Have a Lawyer When You Went to Court? No, I Had a Public Defender,† Jonathan Casper reports the perceptions of this process from the standpoint of the defendants: Most of the men spent very little time with their public defender.In the court in which they eventually plead guilty, they typically reported spending on the order of five to ten minutes with their public defender. These conversations usually took place in the bull-pen of the court house or in the hallway. The brief conversations usually did not involve much discussion of the details surrounding the alleged crime, mitigating circumstances or the defendants’ motives or backgrounds. Instead, they focused on the deal, the off er the prosecution was likely to make or had made in return for a cop out.Often the defendants reported that the first words the public defender spoke (or at least the first words the defendants recalled) were, â€Å"I can get you†¦, if you plead guilty. †50 As might be expected, with less time and fewer resources to devote to the cause, public defenders and assigned lawyers cannot devote as much time and research to preparing the crucial pretrial motions that can often lead to dismissal of charges against the accused. A recent study of 28,315 felony defendants in various county and city jurisdictions in Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky shows that public defenders got cases dropped for 11. percent of their defendants, and private attorneys got dismissals for 48 percent of their defendants. As also might be expected, the overall acquittal rate for privately retained counsel is considerably better than that for public defenders. The same study shows that public defenders achieved either dismissal of charges or a finding of not guilty in 11. 4 percent of the indictments they handled, and private attorneys got their clients off the hook in 56 percent of their cases. The superior record of private attorneys held good when comparisons were made among defendants accused of similar offenses and with similar prior records. 1 The picture that emerges from federal courts is not much different. 52 The problem of adequate legal representation is particularly acute in capital cases. According to Robert Johnson, â€Å"Most attorneys in capital cases are provided by the state. Defendants, as good capitalists, routinely assume that they will get what they pay for: next to nothing. † Their perceptions, he concludes, â€Å"may not be far from right. † Indeed, Stephen Gettinger maintains that an inadequate defense was â€Å"the single outstanding characteristic† of the condemned persons he studied.The result: Capital defendants appeared in court as â€Å"creatures beyond comprehension, virtually gagged and masked in preparation for the execution chamber. †53 Writes Linda Williams in the Wall Street Journal, The popular perception is that the system guarantees a condemned person a lawyer. But most states provide counsel only for the trial and the automatic review of the sentence by the state appeals court. Indigent prisoners—a description that applies to just about everybody on death row—who seek further review must rely on the charity of a few private lawyers and on cash-starved organizations like the Southern Prisoners Defense Committee. 4 A recent Time magazine article on this topic is entitled You Don’t Always Get Perry Mason. † Says the author, â€Å"Because the majority of murder defendants are †¦ broke†¦, many of them get courtappointed lawyers who lack the resources, experience or inclination to do their utmost. †¦ Some people go to traffic court with better prepared lawyers than many murder defendants get. †55 Needless to say, the distinct legal advantages that money can buy become even more salient when 8 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison we enter the realm of corporate and other white-collar crime.Indeed, it is often precisely the time and cost involved in bringing to court a large corporation with its army of legal eagles that is offered as an excuse for the less formal and more genteel treatment accorded to corporate crooks. This excuse is, of course, not equitably distributed to all economic classes, any more than quality legal service is. This means that regardless of actual innocence or guilt, one’s chances of beating the rap increase as one’s income increases. Regardless of what fraction of crimes are committed by the poor, the criminal justice system is distorted so that an even reater fraction of those convicted will be poor. And with conviction comes sentencing. rob a bank of a thousand dollars with a st ickup note, than a smooth talking S&L executive who steals a million dollars with a fraudulent note. Later in the hearing, Chairman Annunzio questioned the administration’s representative: You cited, Mr. Dennis, several examples in your testimony of successful convictions with stiff sentences, but the average sentence so far is actually about 2 years, compared to an average sentence of about 9 years for bank robbery.Why do we throw the book at people who rob a bank in broad daylight but we coddle people who †¦ rob the bank secretly? 56 The simple fact is that the criminal justice system reserves its harshest penalties for its lower-class clients and puts on kid gloves when confronted with a better class of crook. We will come back to the soft treatment of the S&L crooks shortly. For the moment, note that the tendency to treat higher-class criminals more leniently than lower-class criminals has been with us for a long time. In 1972, the New York Times did a study on sente ncing in state and federal courts.The Times stated that â€Å"crimes that tend to be committed by the poor get tougher sentences than those committed by the well-to-do,† that federal â€Å"defendants who could not afford private counsel were sentenced nearly twice as severely as defendants with private or no counsel,† and that a â€Å"study by the Vera Institute of Justice of courts in the Bronx indicates a similar pattern in the state courts. †57 More recently, D’Alessio and Stolzenberg studied a random sample of 2,760 offenders committed to the custody of the Florida Department of Corrections during fiscal year 1985.Although they found no greater sentence severity for poor offenders found guilty of property crimes, they found that poor offenders did receive longer sentences for violent crimes, such as manslaughter, and for morals offenses, such as narcotics possession. Nor, by the way, did sentencing guidelines reduce this disparity. 58 A study of indiv iduals convicted of drunk driving found that increased education (taken as an indicator of higher occupational status) â€Å"increase [d] the rate of movement from case hung to probation and decrease[d] the rate of movement to prison. And though when probation was given, more educated offenders got longer probation, they also got shorter prison sentences, if sentenced to prison at all. 59 SENTENCING On June 28, 1990, the House Subcommittee on Financial Institutions Supervision, Regulation and Insurance met in the Rayburn House Office Building to hold hearings on the prosecution of savings and loan criminals. The chairman of the subcommittee, Congressman Frank Annunzio, called the meeting to order and said: The American people are furious with the slow pace of prosecutions involving savings and loan criminals.These crooks are responsible for 1/3, 1/2, or maybe even more, of the savings and loan cost. The American taxpayer will be forced to pay $500 billion or more over the next 40 y ears, largely because of these crooks. For many Americans, this bill will not be paid until their grandchildren are old enough to retire. We are here to get an answer to one question: â€Å"When are the S&L crooks going to jail? The answer from the administration seems to be: â€Å"probably never. † Frankly, I don’t think the administration has the interest in pursuing Gucci-clad white-collar criminals.These are hard and complicated cases, and the defendants often were rich, successful prominent members of their upper-class communities. It is far easier putting away a sneaker-clad high school dropout who tries to The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 9 Chiricos and Bales found that, for individuals guilty of similar offenses and with similar prior records, unemployed defendants were more likely to be incarcerated while awaiting trial, and for longer periods, than employed defendants.They were more than twice as likely as their employed counterparts to be incarce rated upon a finding of guilt. And defendants with public defenders experienced longer periods of jail time than those who could afford private attorneys. 60 McCarthy noted a similar link between unemployment and greater likelihood of incarceration. 61 In his study of 28,315 felony defendants in Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky, Champion also found that offenders who could afford private counsel had a greater likelihood of probation, and received shorter sentences when incarceration was imposed. 2 A study of the effects of implementing Minnesota’s determinate sentencing program shows that socio-economic bias is â€Å"more subtle, but no less real† than before the new program. 63 Tillman and Pontell examined the sentences received by individuals convicted of Medicaid provider fraud in California. Because such offenders normally have no prior arrests and are charged with grand theft, their sentences were compared with the sentences of other offenders convicted of grand theft and who also had no prior records. While 37. 7 percent of the Medicaid defrauders were sentenced to some jail or prison time, 79. percent of the others convicted of grand theft were sentenced to jail or prison. This was so even though the median dollar loss due to the Medicaid frauds was $13,000, more than ten times the median loss due to the other grand thefts ($1,149). Tillman and Pontell point out that most of the Medicaid defrauders were health professionals, while most of the others convicted of grand theft had low-level jobs or were unemployed. They conclude that â€Å"differences in the sentences imposed on the two samples are indeed the result of the different social statuses of their members. 64 As usual, data on racial discrimination in sentencing tell the same story of the treatment of those who cannot afford the going price of justice. A study of offender processing in New York State counties found that, for offenders with the same arrest charge and the same prior criminal records, minorities were incarcerated more often than comparably situated whites. 65 A study of sentencing in Miami concludes that when case-related attributes do not clearly point to a given sentence, sentencing disparities are more likely to be based on race. 6 Most striking perhaps is that, in 1993, 51 percent of inmates in state and federal prisons were black and 44 percent of inmates of jails were black, whereas blacks make up only 36. 5 percent of those arrested for serious (FBI Index) crimes. 67 Furthermore, when we look only at federal prisons, where there is reason to believe that racial and economic discrimination is less prevalent than in state institutions, we find that in 1986, nonwhite inmates were sentenced, on average, 33 more months for burglary than white inmates and 22 more months for income tax evasion.In 1989, the average federal sentence for blacks found guilty of violent offenses was 10 months longer than for whites. 68 Here must be mentioned the not orious â€Å"100-to1† disparity between sentences for possession of cocaine in powder form (popular in the affluent suburbs) and in crack form (popular in poor inner-city neighborhoods). Federal laws require a mandatory five-year sentence for crimes involving 500 grams of powder cocaine or 5 grams of crack cocaine.This yields a sentence for first-time offenders (with no aggravating factors, such as possession of a weapon) that is higher than the sentence for kidnapping, and only slightly lower than the sentence for attempted murder! 69 About 90 percent of those convicted of Federal crack offenses are black, about 4 percent are white. â€Å"As a result, the average prison sentence served by Black federal prisoners is 40 percent longer than the average sentence for Whites. 70 In 1995, the United States Sentencing Commission recommended ending the 100-to-1 disparity between powder and crack penalties, and, in an unusual display of bipartisanship, both the Republican Congress an d the Democratic President rejected their recommendation. 71 Sentencing disparities between the races are, of course, not new. An extensive study by the Boston Globe of 4,500 cases of armed robbery, aggravated assault, and rape found that â€Å"blacks convicted in the superior courts of Massachusetts receive harsher penalties than whites for the same crimes. 72 The authors of a study of almost 1,200 males sentenced to prison for armed robbery in a southeastern state found that â€Å"in 1977 whites incarcerated for armed robbery had a greater than average chance of receiving the least severe sentence, while nonwhites had a greater than average chance of receiving a moderately severe sentence. †73 A study of 229 adjudicated cases in a Florida judicial district yielded the finding that â€Å"whites have an 18 percent greater chance in the predicted probability of receiving probation than blacks when all other things are 10 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison qual. â₠¬ 74 A recent study of criminal justice systems in California, Michigan, and Texas by Petersilia confirms the continuation of this trend. â€Å"Controlling for the factors most likely to influence sentencing and parole decisions,† she writes, â€Å"the analysis still found that blacks and Hispanics are less likely to be given probation, more likely to receive prison sentences, more likely to receive longer sentences, and more likely to serve a greater portion of their original time. †75 Myers found that â€Å"harsher treatment of persons with fewer resources (e. g. female, unemployed, unmarried, black is †¦ pronounced in highly unequal counties. †76 The federal government has introduced sentencing guidelines and minimum mandatory sentences that might be expected to eliminate discrimination, and many states have followed suit. The effect of this, however, has been not to eliminate discretion but to transfer it from those who sentence to those who decide wha t to charge—that is, from judges to prosecutors. Prosecutors can charge in a way that makes it likely that the offender will get less than the mandatory minimum sentence. Says U. S. District Judge J.Lawrence Irving of San Diego, â€Å"the system is run by the U. S. attorneys. When they decide how to indict, they fix the sentence. †77 We have seen in this [selection] †¦ that the criminal justice system is triply biased against the poor. First, there is the economic class bias among harmful acts as to which get labeled crimes and which are treated as regulatory matters †¦Second, there is economic class bias among crimes that we have already seen in this [selection]. The crimes that poor people are likely to commit carry harsher sentences than the â€Å"crimes in suites† committed by well-to-do-people.Third, among defendants convicted of the same crimes, the poor receive less probation and more years of confinement than well-off defendants, assuring us on ce again that the vast majority of those put behind bars are from the lowest social and economic classes in the nation. On either side of the law, the rich get richer†¦ Monday, September 13, when corrections officers and state troopers stormed the prison and killed 29 inmates and 10 hostages. 78 During those four days the nation saw the faces of its captives on television—the hard black faces of young men who had grown up on the streets of Harlem and other urban ghettos.Theirs were the faces of crime in America. The television viewers who saw them were not surprised. Here were faces of dangerous men who should be locked up. Nor were people outraged when the state launched its murderous attack on the prison, killing many more inmates and guards than did the prisoners themselves. Maybe they were shocked—but not outraged. Neither were they outraged when two grand juries refused to indict any of the attackers, nor when the mastermind of the attack, New York Gov. Nelso n Rockefeller, was named to be vice president of the United States three years after the uprising and massacre. 9 They were not outraged because the faces they saw on the TV screens fit and confirmed their beliefs about who is a deadly threat to American society and a deadly threat must be met with deadly force. How did those men get to Attica? How did Americans get their beliefs about who is a dangerous person? These questions are interwoven. People get their notions about who is a criminal at least in part from the occasional television or newspaper picture of who is inside our prisons. The individuals they see there have been put in prison because people believe ertain kinds of individuals are dangerous and should be locked up. I have argued in this [selection] that this is not a simple process of selecting the dangerous and the criminal from among the peace-loving and the lawabiding. It is also a process of weeding out the wealthy at every stage, so that the final picture a picture like that that appeared on the TV screen on September 9, 1971—is not a true reflection of the real dangers in our society but a distorted image, the kind reflected in a carnival mirror.It is not my view that the inmates in Attica were innocent of the crimes that sent them there. I assume they and just about all the individuals in prisons in America are probably guilty of the crime for which they were sentenced and maybe more. My point is that people who are equally or more dangerous, equally or more criminal, are not there; that the criminal justice system works systematically not to punish and confine the dangerous and the criminal but to punish and confine the poor who are dangerous and criminal. †¦ AND THE POOR GET PRISON At 9:05 A. M. n the morning of Thursday, September 9, 1971, a group of inmates forced their way through a gate at the center of the prison, fatally injured a guard named William Quinn, and took 50 hostages. The Attica uprising had begun. I t lasted four clays, until 9:43 AM. on the morning of The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 11 It is successful at all levels. In 1973, there were 204,211 individuals in state and federal prisons, or 96 prisoners for every 100,000 individuals (of all ages) in the general population. By 1979, state and federal inmates numbered 301,470, or 133 per 100,000 Americans.By 1995, there were a total of 1,585,401 persons in state and federal prisons and in local jails, a staggering 600 for every 100,000 in the population. One in 167 U. S. residents (of all ages and both sexes) was behind bars by the end of 1995. However, of the 1,585,401 prisoners, more than a million are men, virtually all above the age of 18. Because the adult male population in the United States is about 93 million, this means that more than one out of every 100 American adult men is behind bars. 80 This enormous number of prisoners is, of course, predominantly from the bottom of society.Of the estimated 711,643 peop le in state prisons in June 1991, 33 percent were not employed at all (full or part time) prior to their arrests. About half of these were looking for work and half were not. Another 12 percent had only parttime jobs before prison, making fully 45 percent who were without full-time employment prior to arrest. These statistics represent a general worsening compared with 1986, when 31 percent of state inmates had no pre-arrest employment at all, and 43 percent had no full-time pre-arrest employment.Of those 1991 state inmates who had been free at least a year before arrest, 19 percent had some pre-arrest annual income but less than $3,000 50 percent had some pre-arrest annual income but less than $10,000. 81 To get an idea of what part of society is in prison, we should compare these figures with comparable figures for the general population. Because 95 percent of state inmates are male, we can look at employment and income figures for males in the general society in 1990.Statistics o n employment and income for 1990 are close to those for 1988 and 1989, and so will give us a fair sense of the general population from which the current state inmates came. In 1990, 5. 6 percent of males, 16-years-old and above, in the labor force were unemployed and looking for work. This corresponds to half the state inmates who were unemployed before arrest, because the other half who were unemployed were not looking for work. Where 16 percent of state prisoners had been unemployed and still looking for work, only 5. 6 percent of males in the general population were in this condition.Thus, prisoners were unemployed and looking for work at a rate three times that of males in the general population. But this doesn’t give us the full picture, because it doesn’t capture the unemployed prisoners who had not been seeking work. To capture that, let us assume that, as among the prisoners, the number of males in the general population who are unemployed and not looking is eq ual to the number in the labor force who are unemployed and looking. (Note that this assumption is high, but for present purposes conservative, as the higher it is the more it will decrease the relative difference between prisoners and general male population. The 5. 6 percent of males in the labor force represents approximately 3,799,000 persons. If we double it, we get 7,598,000 as an estimate of the total number of males in the general population who are unemployed, looking for work or not. As a percentage of the total noninstitutionalized population of males 16 and over, this is 8. 5 percent. Compare this with the 33 percent of state inmates who were unemployed prior to being arrested. Then, state prisoners were unemployed at a rate nearly four times that of males in the general population. 2 Where 19 percent of prisoners with any prearrest income at all earned less than $3,000 a year, 6. 8 percent of males in the civilian labor force in 1990 earned between $1 and $2,499 a year, and 12. 3 percent earned between $1 and $4,999. Fifty percent of the inmates had annual incomes between $1 and $10,000, while 25 percent of males in the general population earned in that range. 83 Our prisoners are not a cross-section of America. They are considerably poorer and considerably less likely to be employed than the rest of Americans.Moreover, they are also less educated, which is to say less in possession of the means to improve their sorry situations. Of all U. S. prison inmates, 47 percent did not graduate from high school, compared to 21 percent of the U. S. adult population. Sixteen percent of prisoners said they had some college, compared to 43 percent of the U. S. adult population. 84 The criminal justice system is sometimes thought of as a kind of sieve in which the innocent are progressively sifted out from the guilty, who end up behind bars. I have tried to show that the sieve works another way as well.It sifts the affluent out from the poor, so it is not merel y the guilty who end up behind bars, but the guilty poor. 12 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison Endnotes 1. Compare the statement, written more than half a century ago, by Professor Edwin H. Sutherland, one of the major luminaries of twentieth-century criminology: First, the administrative processes are more favorable to person in economic comfort than to those in poverty, so that if two person on different economic levels are equally guilty of the same offense, the one on the lower level is more likely to be arrested, convicted, and committed to an institution.Second, the laws are written, administered, and implemented primarily with reference to the types of crimes committed by people of lower economic levels. [E. H. Sutherland, Principles of Criminology (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1939), p. 179]. 2. For example, in 1991, when black made up 12 percent of the national population, they accounted for 46 percent of the U. S. state prison population. BJS, Survey of State Prison Inmates. 1991, p. 3. 3. Edwin H. Sutherland and Donald R. Cressey, Criminology, 9th ed. (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1974), p. 133.The following studies are cited in support of this point (p. 133, note 4): Edwin M. Lemert and Judy Rosenberg, â€Å"The Administration of Justice to Minority Groups in Los Angeles County,† University of California Publications in Culture and Society 2, no. 1 (1948), pp. 1–28; Thorsten Sellin, â€Å"Race Prejudice in the Administrations of Justice,† American Journal of Sociology 41 (September 1935), pp. 212– 217; Sidney Alexrad, â€Å"Negro and White Male Institutionalized Delinquents,† American Journal of Sociology 57 (May 1952), pp. 569–74; Marvin F. Wolfgang, Arlene Kelly, and Hans C.Nolde, â€Å"Comparisons of the Executed and the Commuted Among Admissions to Death Row,† Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science 53 (September 1962), pp. 301–11; Nathan Goldman, The Differential Sele ction of Juvenile Offenders for Court Appearance (New York National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 1963); Irving Piliavin ad Scott Briar, â€Å"Police Encounters with Juveniles,† American Journal of Sociology 70 (September 1964), pp. 206–14, Robert M. Terry, â€Å"The Screening of Juvenile Offenders,† Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science 58 (June 1967), pp. 73–81. See also Ramsey Clark, Crime in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970), p. 51; â€Å"Negroes are arrested more frequently and on less evidence than whites and are more often victims of mass or sweep arrests†; and Donald Taft, Criminology, 3d ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1956), p. 134: Negroes are more likely to be suspected of crime than are whites. They are also more likely to be arrested. If the perpetrator of a crime is known to be a Negro the police may arrest all Negroes who were near the scene— a procedure they would rarely dare to follow with whites .After arrest Negroes are less likely to secure bail, and so are more liable to be counted in jail statistics. They are more liable than whites to be indicted and less likely to have their case nol prossed or otherwise dismissed. If tried, Negroes are more likely to be convicted. If convicted they are less likely to be given probation. For this reason they are more likely to be included in the count of prisoners. Negroes are also more likely than whites to be kept in prison for the full terms of their commitments and correspondingly less like to be paroled. 4. StatAbst-1996, p. 8, Table no. 49. See also Karen Pennar, â€Å"The Rich are Richer—and America May Be the Poorer,† Business Week, November 18,1991, pp. 85–88. 5. StatAbs-1994, p. 482, Table no. 742. See also Carole Shammas, â€Å"A New look at LongTerm Trends in Wealth Inequality in the United States,† American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993), p. 422. 6. StatAbst-1996, p. 48, Table no. 49; and p. 398, Table no. 623. 7. Michael Tonry, â€Å"Racial Politics, Racial Disparities, and the War on Crime,† Crime & Delinquency 40, no. 4 (October 1994), pp. 483, 485–86. 8. Sourcebook-1981, p. 463. 9. StatAbst-1988, p. 75, Table no. 304. 10. BJS, Profile of Inmates in the United States and in England and Wales, 1991 (October 1994, NCJ-145863), p. 13. 11. Theodore Chiricos and William Bales, â€Å"Unemployment, and Punishment: An Empirical Assessment,† Criminology 29, no. 4 (1991), p. 718. The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 13 12. An offender’s socioeconomic status †¦ did not impact sentence length for any of the property offenses. † Stewart J. D’Alession and Lisa Stolzenberg, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and the Sentencing of the Traditional Offender,† Journal of Criminal Justice 21 (1993), p. 73.The same study did find lower economic status offenders received harsher sentences for violent and moral order crimes. Anoth er study that finds no greater likelihood of incarceration based on socioeconomic status is Michael Benson and Esteban Walker, â€Å"Sentencing the White-Collar Offender,† American Sociological Review 53 (April 1988), pp 291–302. And yet another found higher-status offenders to be more likely 10 be incarcerated. David Weisburd, Elin Waring, and Stanton Wheeler, â€Å"Class, Status, and the Punishment of White Collar Criminals,† Law and Social Inquiry 16 (1990), pp. 23–41. These last two studies are limited to offenders convicted of whitecollar crimes, and so they deal with a sample that has already been subject to whatever discrimination exists in the arrest, charging, and conviction of white-collar offenders. 13. Isidore Silver, â€Å"Introduction† to the Avon edition of The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (New York: Avon, 1968), p. 31. 14. This is the conclusion of Austin L. Porterfield, Youth in Trouble (Fort Worth: Leo Potishman Foundation , 1946); Fred J. Murphy, M. Shirley, and H. L.Witmer, â€Å"The Incidence of Hidden Delinquency,† American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 16 (October 1946), pp. 686–96; James F. Short Jr. , â€Å"A Report on the Incidence of Criminal Behavior, Arrests, and Convictions in Selected Groups,† Proceedings of the Pacific Sociological Society, 1954, pp. 110–18, published as vol. 22, no. 2 of Research Studies of the State College of Washington (Pullman: State College of Washington, 1954); F. Ivan Nye, James F. Short Jr. , and Virgil J. Olson, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Delinquent Behavior,† American Journal of Sociology 63 (January 1958), pp. 381–89; Maynard L.Erickson and Lamar T. Empey, â€Å"Class Position, Peers and Delinquency,† Sociology and Social Research 49 (April 1965), pp. 268–82; William J. Chambliss and Richard H. Nagasawa, â€Å"On the Validity of Official Statistics; A Comparative Study of White, Black, and Japanese Hig h-School Boys,† Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 6 (January 1969), pp. 71–77; Eugene Doleschal, â€Å"Hidden Crime,† Crime and Delinquency Literature 2, no. 5 (October 1970), pp. 546–72; Nanci Koser Wilson, Risk Ratios in Juvenile Delinquency (Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms, 1972); and Maynard L.Erikson, â€Å"Group Violations, Socioeconomic Status, and Official Delinquency,† Social Forces 52, no. 1 (September 1973), p. 41–52. 15. Charles R. Tittle and Robert F Meier, â€Å"Specifying the SES/Delinquency Relationship,† Criminology 28, no. 2 (1990), p. 292. 16. Gary F. Jensen and Kevin Thompson, â€Å"What’s Class Got to Do with It? A Further Examination of Power-Control Theory,† American Journal of Sociology 95, no. 4 (January 1990) p. 1021. 17. This is the conclusion of Martin Gold, ‘Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 3, no. 1 (1966), pp. 7†“46; and of Sutherland and Cressey, Criminology, pp. 137, 220. 18. Cf. Larry Karacki and Jackson Toby, â€Å"The Uncommitted Adolescent: Candidate for Gang Socialization,† Sociological Inquiry 32 (1962), pp. 203–15; William R. Arnold, â€Å"Continuities in Research—Scaling Delinquent Behavior,† Social Problems 13, no. 1 (1965), pp. 59–66; Harwin L. Voss, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Reported Delinquent Behavior,† Social Problems, 13, no. 3 (1966), pp. 314–24; LaMar Empey and Maynard L. Erikson, â€Å"Hidden Delinquency and Social Status,† Social Forces 44, no. 4 (1966), pp. 546–54; Fred J.Shanley, â€Å"Middle-class Delinquency As a Social Problem,† Sociology and Social Research 51 (1967), pp. 185–98; Jay R. Williams and Martin Gold, â€Å"From Delinquent Behavior to Official Delinquency,† Social Problems 20, no. 2 (1972), pp. 209–29. 19. Empey and Erikson â€Å"Hidden Delinquency and Soc ial Status,† pp 549, 551. Nye, Short, and Olson also found destruction of property to be committed most frequently by upperclass boys and girls, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Delinquent Behavior,† p. 385. 20. Williams and Gold, â€Å"From Delinquent Behavior to Official Delinquency,† Social Problems 20, no. 2 (1972), pp. 209–29. 4 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 21. Gold â€Å"Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† p. 37. 22. Ibid. , p. 44. 23. Comparing socioeconomic status categories ‘scant evidence is found that would support the contention that group delinquency is more characteristic of the lower-status levels than other socioeconomic status levels. In fact, only arrests seem to be more characteristic of the low-status category than the other categories. † Erikson, â€Å"Group Violations, Socioeconomic Status and Official Delinquency,† p. 15. 24. Gold â€Å"Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† p 28 (emphasis added). 25. Ibid. , p. 38 26. Terence P.Thornberry, â€Å"Rac